Articles from 1848
The Galway Vindicator, Saturday, July 15, 1848
Introduction
The speaker resumed the chair at half—past five o'clock.
To Correspondents
We have received a communication relative to the rejoicings at Loughrea and Portumna, but cannot give it insertion, being anonymous.
The Events of the Week
Few living men remember, perhaps, a more eventful week in Irish politics than this just past. The indignation of America — the threatened rescue of Mitchel — the promised aid to Ireland, reaching like an angry storm across the ocean; the government hated and hating, conveying the most formidable opponents—the best nationalists, to the prison of the Shears' and the Emmits—where Tone, and Lord Edward died—whence Mitchel was transported; C.G. Duggy, John Martin, and the two Tribunes in gaol for "felony"—Doheny in Cashel rescued, and then voluntarily committed for felony punishable with transportation, and high treason punishable with death; Meagher, McGee, and Hollywood impeached for sedition—the first Irish barricade thrown up in Waterford, backed by thousands clamorous for battle—all these within one week are event of terrible import. They lead like the pillar of fire from the land of bondage. Then, again, in the same brief period are three important meetings—in Cor, the chivalry and eloquence of South Munster gathered round an hereditary chief— in Dublin the formation of the League; almost late in the field for its chief purpose (whereas union is already generally effected), and half unnoticed by the country, brooding madly over its wrongs; and lastly, the strangest of all, a Protestant Repeal Association dressed in orange flags and orange lilies, teaching toleration and nationality "on the 12th of July". The meetings were numerous as of old, but we would not be surprised were it otherwise. Excitement has reached the climax in Ireland, and is tending rapidly to that something more in the popular mind which is understood, but almost inexpressible. It is that gloomy, resolute feeling, expecting that the crisis of the country's destiny is at hand. We have lately seen it manifested in the parting of friends with a foreboding that they might never meet again.
The Arrests
We have little to add to what we stated in Wednesday's publication. If possible, and not incompatible with a manly assertion of our rights and the determination to achieve nationality, it were advisable that no one should commit himself into hands of the enemy. Some prudent men, and many timid men, say it is possible and not incompatible. We doubt it. In the moral battle, as in the physical, when enemies close and grasp and struggle, some persons must remain prisoners with the side on which there happens to be most power, It is not necessary, indeed, that Mr. Duffy, Mr. Meagher, or Mr. Martin should be the persons, but some one must, else might the battle fail in its vigour, the hatred in its intensity. And it is so exemplified in the history of every stern struggle against despotism. In great social excitement or revolutions some men are impelled by a moral necessity. Despotism then seizes its foremost adversaries and they are imprisoned by its set not their own rashness. This, in Mr. Duffy's and most of the other arrests, we believe is the case. But whilst we state this we would not be understood at all as meaning any recommendation inconsistent with prudence and discretion in political affairs, particularly at the present time. What with them was probably the effect of a deliberate and matured purpose might in others be a rash precipitancy, serving no purpose and affording an advantage to the adversary. A person owes it to himself not uselessly to throw away his liberty. He also owes it to the cause of independence, which requires every true and resolute man's assistance. "Open and advised" defiance, as we said before, may be necessary in some, but the privilege or station is not given to every one to instruct a whole people or a great many by example, and where this is not the case the loss of individual liberty is, generally speaking, a waste of power. Boldness and activity, combined with prudence, are now the proper means against the "new measures for Ireland".
The Irish League
The first meeting of the Irish League, reported in our columns to—day, has been successful when we consider the adverse circumstances of its being completely forestalled in its purpose of union by the club organizations—that much apathy had been created by repeated postponements of the meeting—and that the mind of the country is turning from the mere except with the dissolution of the Clubs. The country has declared for the league permitting their existence. And it is a fact which admits of no question, that there could not be a League on any other terms. The advocates of supreme jurisdiction for the League do not, indeed submit a specific proposition for the dissolution of the Clubs, but they would do so in effect; for their argumentation supposes a want of power to co—operate—a want of harmony in the purposes of the two bodies and upon this supposition it is destruction to the one to arm the other with supreme power against it. We always find those persons, too, very unfairly set out upon the suppository that the Clubs are illegally constituted. A theorist, much more quibbler, will always be found objecting between two lines of policy—like the ass instanced by a philosopher, starving between two bundles of hay, for want of a choice between them. Of two objects one must have intrinsically evident, preponderating advantages, to induce the choice of a person who has intrinsically but little determination of his own. But a resolute and practical man may be known, by his seizing the advantages and opportunities within his reach, instead of dreaming after others which may be unattainable. Applying this criterion to public bodies also, we think the League should seize the present hour to perfect the Club organisation, according to the manager laid down in the legal opinion of Mr. Holmes. We cannot see any great use of it in Dublin as a speaking trumpet.
The Cork Meetings
In our pages today will be found, at considerable length, the speeches of Mr. W. S. O'Brien at the soiree to which he was invited by the citizens of Cork, and his answer to the address of the Clubs. To his opinions at the present time much importance must necessarily be attached. They are worthy of the main and the occasion. The arrest of his bosom friend has not moved him beyond the hounds or prudence, which, on the contrary, he more than ever recommends to his friends and the people, at the same time that, resolutely as ever, he expresses his own opinions, re—iterating every sentiment for which he was prosecuted. Then how sublime is his conception of the patriotism and virtue of the young nationalist of Ireland — how generous his reliance upon the democracy, at whose hands he received anything but gratitude, and in many instances actual maltreatment and insult. No truer man—no patriot of holier purpose ever led or sided the efforts of a struggling people. How different his reception now from that on a former occasion when he was pelted and groaned and driven down without a hearing by the populace of Cork. And what a difference too do they present — then a frantic mob, now an ordered, marshalled array of citizens. Where, again, are the "Infidels", and "hirelings of the Castle"—the "gang of miscreants" on whom the people poured their vials of wrath and torrents of bitter wrong? Bermuda and Newgate have received the most "miscreant" of them. Their chief revilers—where are they? And what are the people's feeling now? They are changed; for over a people, not corrupt and slavish, truth and virtue are omnipotent. We recur to these things—we make this appeal not for enmity but for justice.
Lord Dunkellin — Rejoicing at Loughrea
Wednesday last, the 12th of July, was a "great day for Ireland" in Loughrea, as on that day the eldest born of the noble house of Clanricarde entered upon, his majority, and Lord Dunkellin passed the Republican of hobbledehoys; the town was brilliantly illuminated, bonfires blazed in many parts, and great joy was manifested on the occasion. There was a drawback to the general enthusiasm caused by the untimely demolition of several houses in one of the leading thoroughfares of the town, and much surprise was expressed by many that such a demonstration could be made. Notwithstanding the disagreeable evidence of oppression manifested in the destruction of the hovels of several families who have in consequence been cast upon the world, still there was a feeling of confidence that Lord Dunkellin would endeavour to repair the errors of administration which have coupled extermination with the name of Clanricarde
Lord Dunkellin should now show an interest in a town from which he will obtain his principal revenue, and he should endeavour to prove himself not unworthy the faithful and striking attachment to his house and name shown on this occasion.
The Clubs
In answer to the address of the several Pears and Commons, Sir G. Grey after an introductory circumlocution writes: "They (the government) trust by a firm exercises of the powers which the law affords, aided by the support and co—operation of the loyal subjects of her Majesty in Ireland, the authority of law and order will be vindicated and the peace and security of that portion of the United Kingdom be restored.
The important subject, however, to which the memorial relates, constantly occupies the earnest attention of her Majesty's government.