The Arrests

The Galway Vindicator, Wednesday, July 12, 1848

The "felony" act is doing its work for the purpose of the government — that cunning and coward act, under which no opponent can express his opinions freely in a journal and be himself responsible for them, without also endangering or ruining the private property of the journalists. The subtle despotism under which we live in Ireland has thus pressed into its service the kindliest feelings and affections of our nature to counteract and silence the impulse and appeals of vengeance by connecting with them the destruction of the property and subsistence of our families or friends — by binding down with soft ties the passionate impatience which no fear of danger of a purely personal kind could restrain. Thus much we may say by way of preface to our remarks upon the intelligence in another page.

That the government arrests will arouse the deepest passions of the people we expect — that they are intended to do so, and do more, to drive to a premature insurrection, we believe. It is hard to expect the people will have self—control enough to disappoint them — it is hard even to wish it, whilst for a moment we consider the recent atrocities of despotism. It is hard to see Clarendon, like Tarquin of old Rome, cutting down the leaders that the people may fall helplessly into his hands ; and then believe that aware of his design they will endure him to continue.

When Charles Gaven Duffy is trust into the cell of John Mitchel, who can anticipate the consequences — the man now a second time in prison for Ireland — the leader, the statesman, one of the greatest political writers of this age — the eternally active projector for nationality and Ireland — the "organizer of victory" — the truly good man, the amiable and sincere friend in private life — who that knows him by character or as a friend will suffer him, too to be juggled by unconstitutional fraud and perjury? Shall John Mitchel, C. G. Duffy, and John Martin, spend the vigour of their lives amongst the outscourings of society at Bermuda ? The other two gentlemen, Mr. Williams, "the Shamrock," and Mr. O'Doherty, who have been arrested are truly honest and enthusiastic patriots.

The question between the government and the people one might think was not formidable enough — the space between them narrowing with a fearful rapidity — but for that purpose towards which the acts of the executive authorities have tended for some time past, the arrests were not deemed sufficient nor any other act which could be done within the limits of the constitution. For, an European war is probably impending, the harvest of Ireland growing fast to maturity, the voice of the enraged Irish exiles in America, with that of thousands of other American citizens, had crossed the Atlantic like thunder, denouncing the trial and conviction of John Mitchel, the "robbery of his wife and children" as "an excess of arbitrary power only equalled in the most disgraceful periods of English history" — "an outrage upon justice, humanity, and decency," "unbecoming any government one degree removed from barbarism" : An to anticipate by a premature insurrection the effect of these combining circumstances upon the Irish people preparing to assert their rights, it is necessary to recur for arbitrary power to "the most disgraceful period of English history." Accordingly, the despotism of '98 has recommenced. The Nation, the Felon, and Tribune, are seized in Dublin, their offices broken into, their property carried away as the office of the Northern Star was plundered at that period in Belfast, without the shadow or pretence of law, and despite the clearest principles of the constitution. Now, as then, there is punishment and the right to plunder before trail or conviction. The habeas corpus set was then suspended — the felony act is now in effect, the same, though under other and more specious appearances. The government juries of the present day are more infamous than the drumhead court martial. And in addition to all this, let it not be doubted that we are only in the beginning of a reign of terror. We have reached that crisis when the people's rights and the English government of this country cannot exist together. One or other will be trampled down whatever be the consequence. We are not anarchists. We desire — as the country yet desires, a peaceful settlement of the question, now becoming pregnant, we fear, of a bloody issue ; but with the acts of the government so manifestly expressive of their intention, it were infinite madness for the people not to prepare for the worst — whilst still ready to negotiate for liberty, and passive, (perhaps too long) whilst protected by the form and spirit of the constitution. Reading the government intentions by the light of their recent unconstitutional acts, if they persevere, we believe that no precautions consistent with a manly advocacy of national rights will be able to save the country from the horrors of civil war. The party, too, that could interpose as mediators in the hour of extreme danger, the Irish aristocracy, have formally memorialed the legislature for coercive measures against the people ; and now that their interests and those of the English rule, are one and identical, woe to them whether from their act or the peculiar motion of the government the clash of civil strife be heard in Ireland. But the duties of the people under present circumstances are easily understood by al — to act legally, prudently, and determinedly. They should shrink not, and strike not ; for to shrink now before threats and aggression would be effectually to abandon national liberty, and to strike would be rashly complying with the designs of their enemies. The proper course lies between both — to prepare incessantly within the limits of "the law and the constitution". If, however, upon the impending trials there be neither legal nor constitutional justice, but jugglery of jury lists, and a fraud be substituted for a trail, then the harvest will be almost within the peasant's reach, and, in our opinion, the country should be prepared.