Mr. Davitt in Ballinasloe
The Western News and Weekly Examiner, Saturday, November 17, 1883
The news that Mr. Davitt would arrive in this town by the late train on Saturday night last was received by the people of Ballinasloe, whose hearts are in the cause of their country with extreme delight, and it was agreed on all sides that he should get a real céad míle fáilte. The brass band of the Temperance Hall turned out, and having paraded the town for a short time a procession was formed, and about 1,000 people marched to the train. In an open brake the following members of the National League proceeded to welcome Mr. Davitt:— Messrs James Goode, M McGiverin, W Ivers, John Callanan, JF Ward, James Kilmartin, Richard Briarly, John Kelly, T. Kennedy, B. Madden, E. Healy, and Robert F Walker. When the train arrived a cheer was set up which echoed through Garbally demesne and cries of "Welcome Davitt" must have disturbed the slumbers of not only those who differ in politics from the illustrious Irishman, but even Messrs L. Conroy, W. Purcell and Co. The arrangements at the platform were perfect and though the night was dark, and the greatest enthusiasm prevailed, not a single accident occurred. The behavior of the crowd was admirable and though it was Saturday night such was the respect showed for Mr. Davitt that there was not the sign of drink on any one present. The rest nationalists of the town were there. The lukewarm, the agents pets, the landlords toadies and the enemy of every national aspiration of course were absent and to this fact alone may be attributed the great success of the meeting which took place on Sunday. The procession from the train was headed by the band, and cheers were given all the time for Mr. Davitt and Mr. Parnell. When the Convent was reached the bank commenced to play God Save Ireland, and the crowd continued cheering without intermission all the way to Dunlo Street until Mr. McGivern's house was reached when a halt was made. Mr. McGiverin had invited Mr. Davitt to be his guest during his stay in Ballinasloe, and he having consented the members of the National League proceeded to Mr. McGiverin's drawing room for the purpose of presenting Mr. Davitt with an address. On the motion of Mr. Ward, seconded by Mr. Madden, Mr. Kilmartin, vice—president of the league took the chair. In addition to those mentioned Mr William Corcoran, Mr C. O'Connor and Mr. Gallagher were present. Mr. Kilmartin said the league had decided to present Mr. Davitt, the trusted and tried leader of the people, with an address. The meeting there that evening represented the real feelings of the township (applause) and as the hour was getting late he would ask Mr. McGiverin to read the address.
Mr. McGiverin then read, the following:—
Address of the Members of the Ballinasloe Branch of the Irish National League to Michael Davitt, Esq.
Dear Sir — We your co—labourers in the Irish National Cause hasten to offer you from the sincerest recesses of our hearts the unanimous congratulations of our League on the occasion of your visit to our town. And we also pledge ourselves your faithful brethren in your denouncement and condemnation of universal oppression.
To search the pages of history, ancient or modern, we find no parallel compared with the sacrifices a human being makes for his fellow man, for the exaltation of down trodden humanity, greater than you have made, but that of the brothers Gracchi, They like you lost their guardian parent early in life, but unlike them you are a man of the people, and have matured and developed your mind by close and assiduous study to make happy the lot of your oppressed countrymen by alleviating the sufferings, the miseries and misfortunes of the brutalized tenant farmers of Ireland. Unlike them too, you have not distinguished yourself in military service, but like them in the cause of our dear natal land, you were foremost of the foremost to scale the walls of ascendancy, of landlordism, and oppression, and to proclaim from the summit you attained that you meant not to retrogress, but to advance. And with you are the people of Ireland. In your sufferings, in your Herculean efforts to make the Irishman what he ought to be, in your indomitable pronouncement to abolish slavery in human beings—whom the Creator made like into himself—we recognize an energy, an unlimited will, an unswerving bent of mind, which indicate that in your heart is to be found the essence of pure and unselfish patriotism.
Again wishing you a cordial welcome to our town,
Believe us, yours truly in the National Cause,
On behalf of the general body,
John Fahy, CC, President
Michael McGiverin, Hon. Sec.
Ballinasloe, Nov. 10th, 1883.
The reading of the address was interrupted several times by applause, and Mr. Davitt who appeared to be greatly affected, replied as follows:—
Mr. McGiverin and gentlemen, the very great kindness which has prompted you to present me with this address of welcome to your town I fully appreciate, and beg to return you my sincere thanks. The address emanating from the members of the National League whom I see before me is most important, and shall be treasured by me as one of the honours which have been conferred on me from time to time by my fellow labourers in the cause of which I am a humble member (hear, hear). Gentlemen, the lateness of the hour of night precludes me from talking at much length, and I believe on my part that you do not expect me to make a speech in reply to your very flattering address, because it will my duty to address a larger meeting tomorrow )hear, hear). At the same time I cannot help expressing the delight I feel at being amongst you once more, and have the old friends around me who so identified themselves in the late struggle for freedom. I feel very proud at the kind reception you have given me, and I cannot help giving expression to my feelings when I find myself once more on the outer side of the Shannon, in my native province (hear, hear). I always find myself a new man when I take a run to or am approaching my native county, because I think I know the spirit of patriotism and determination to fight the good cause is almost universal, and that they are prepared at any cost to carry on this struggle in the cause of Ireland (hear, hear). I always find myself a new man when I take a run to or am approaching my native county, because I think I know the spirit of patriotism and determination to fight the good cause is almost universal, and that they are prepared at any cost to carry on this struggle in the cause of Ireland (hear, hear). Gentlemen, I beg to thank you very sincerely for the kind and practical manner you have welcomed me to your town, and for the address you have presented me (cheers and applause).
The crowd outside Mr. McGiverin's house were loud in the clamours to have Mr. Davitt address them, and Mr. McGiverin said he thought they would not be satisfied to go home if that gentleman did not tell them to do so. Mr. Davitt consented and Mr. McGiverin speaking from the window said—Ladies, gentlemen, and fellow countrymen, Mr. Davitt, the celebrated leader of our country, is going to address you a few words (loud cheers, and cries of he is welcome).
Mr. Davitt said he simply wanted to thank the people for the manner in which they had turned out at that unreasonable hour to pay him the very high compliment they had given him of welcoming him to Ballinasloe (cheers). He appreciated that kindness to the fullest extent and begged to return his warmest thanks to the ladies and gentlemen who took part in the demonstration of welcome (cheers). He knew they would be all at the meeting tomorrow, and therefore they would excuse him for not making a speech at that lat hour, but he could not retire without expressing the gratitude he felt at being treated so handsomely and honoured so much by the patriotic people of Ballinasloe. It showed him that their hearts were in the cause, and in the respect they had paid him they ere respecting the cause with which he was connected, the cause of their down—trodden country (hear, hear and cheers). Tomorrow he would have the privilege of telling them that he was proud to see them again in the glorious fight against landlordism and Castle rule (loud cheers).
The band after playing O'Donnell Abu, went home and the crowd soon after separated.
Sunday was ushered in with showers, and sunshine at intervals, but about one o'clock it commenced a cruel downpour which continued the whole day without intermission. Notwithstanding this contingents from the adjacent towns arrived and by two o'clock, the hour for meeting, the town presented an animated appearance, which brought back the days of the Land League to the minds of those present. At two o'clock a large crowd has assembled opposite Mr. McGiverin's house, the band being present, discoursing a variety of national airs, and the moment Mr. Davitt appeared accompanied by the members of the National League, the Loughrea, Ahascragh and Shannonbridge contingents, loud cheers were given and amidst cries of welcome to Ballinasloe a procession was formed for the place of meeting in the Market—square, opposite the Roman Catholic Church. The platform was substantial, and erected with great care.
Amongst those on the platform were — Rev. Joseph Fahy, President; Rev. P.J. Walsh, CC, Ballinasloe; Rev. Dr. Maloney, do; Rev. H. Finneran, PP, Moore; Rev. Father Mulkerin, PP, Clontuskert; Rev. Father Carroll, Killimore; Mr. Heenan, Mr. Davitt, Colonel Nolan, Messrs M. McGiverin, TC James Goode, TC William Ivers, James Kilmartin, John Callanan, John F Ward, Thomas Kennedy, Michael Reddy, PLG Peter Keough, Taughmaconnel; Andrew Manning, Ahascragh; J J Kennedy, Mountbellew, Thomas Manning, Robert F. Walker, T Concannon, Ahascragh; Kieran Brady, John Kelly, Tieranascragh; Patrick Larkin, Killimore; James Nolan, do, E P Daly, Cranagh, Athlone; P J Kelly, PLG, Clontuskert, William Corcoran, O O'Connor, T G Griffin, Gurteen, M. O'Brien, M. Curley, Thomas Greene, TC; G Larkin, CTC; M. Dolan, P J Greene, Gerald Larkin.
Loughrea deputation — Messrs John P McCarthy, John Sweeney, N J Barrett, Thomas Cunningham, Thos Jennings, Kilcreest; Michael Fahy, do.
Two Governments short and written were on the platform, who took copious notes of the various speeches. There were about 20 or 30 police interspersed amongst the crowd, and to their credit it must be said that their conduct and demeanour was the theme of universal praise, so different from how the police have acted in other parts of the country at such meeting. Mr. Byrne, County Inspector, Mr. Joyce, District Inspector, Mr. Chambers, do, Loughrea, appeared to listen to the speeches with avidity. The police party were under the charge of Head—Constable Barnsville.
On the motion of Mr. Ivers, seconded by Mr. J F Ward, the chair was taken by Father Fahy amidst applause. Father Fahy, who was cordially cheered, said—It is needless for me to say; gentlemen, I feel a pride and pleasure in the honor you have conferred on me today in calling me to preside at this vast, important, and influential meeting. It flatters me much to be invited to take the chair at this very representative meeting, where we have with us so many respectable and able men. But, gentlemen, I would be unfaithful to my trust did I not explain to you in some manner the duty of chairman. I am, first of all, accountable for everything done and said here today. So I am sure, with your wonted ability and characteristic consideration you will effect to render my position both easy and agreeable (cheers). I trust and expect then there will be nothing done which would lead to a breach of the law, and that you will accord that patient hearing to each respective speaker which prudence and good taste suggest (cheers). I am sure you will all be orderly and peaceable for, remember he who commits an outrage gives strength to the enemy and does harm to the cause. The privilege of free debate and free discussion will be afforded to all. But I will allow no personalities or any remarks that could militate against ourselves, or be made a handle against the cause (cheers). As long then in our earnest and indefeasible struggles for the amelioration of this down—trodden land, and demanding lawful rights for our country, we keep within the bounds of the law we care not a brass pin for our rulers (cheers). I say, furthermore, that it is impossible for any governments to be deaf or callous to the legitimate demands of a united people. The united voice of a nation cannot be despised for the vox poluli the vox Dei. There are many interesting subjects and topics to be discussed, and each and every one of them require your best and earnest attention. The progress of events in Ireland, the way things are done, the way measures are shaped make more evident everyday the necessity of keeping this agitation determinedly and doggedly pushed on, and fresh before the breeze and gaze of other countries. The apathy and indifference of our rulers; their dexterity and duplicity in passing and shaping Acts of Parliament that are, when they reach us, void, empty and truculent measures, is patent to every discriminating mind. Not one act passed that when they reach us they are so mutilated and strangled, and so devoid of any practical good and utility, they present the appearance of a tattered garment full of holes. You know it well, gentlemen, and so do I, that any measures that was wrong and squeezed from the British Legislature for the last three years was forced by the power and influence of our unabated agitation under the guidance of the Land League. The Land League movement—that movement of all others blessed by the hand of God and crowned with the laurels of victory since its start. It was brought into life by the pinch of hunger—the sharp spur of necessity, its father and founder (loud and continued cheering, and waving of bats). The Land Act as demanded and expected by the greatest land ablest statesman of modern times—the matchless, intrepid, Charles S. Parnell (cheers)—should have the phase and rarity of a good bill; but scarcely does it contain the vestige of a benefit to the poor tenant. Yes, gentlemen, when Charles S. Parnell visited this town some years ago his schemes were despised, and himself almost laughed to scorn for the views he put forth; but I tell you he soon put persons who ridiculed him to more serious reflection (cheers), for he brought the blush of reality and seriousness to many a cheek who were not prepared for the shock of reality and victory that crowned his exertions. The Land Act is defective and almost practically worthless to the tenants. 1st—Because they derive no benefit from the Healy Clause, a fatal want and gigantic drawback in the Act. 2nd—The preponderance and major part of those who decide in the Land Courts, have none or very little sympathy with the tenants. 3rd—The leaseholders are not served by it one bit. But only for Davitt and Parnell, and their noble band of brothers, the tenants would not get that same (loud cheers). We have next and almost prior to all, to consider the Emigration scheme. A more wicked or more nefarious scheme never, I believe was contemplated for the destruction of the Irish race. It is fraught with a great deal of mischief and danger to the poor people, and I say to them—unless they consider it entirely for their own benefit and amusement to leave Ireland—stay at home. The support of a man will be about £40 per year, and taking the average life of man—only at 40, and multiply 40 by 40, you will find every person who leaves this country is a loss of about £1,600, and of course so much gain to the country he emigrates to. So, therefore, sending the youth, the bone and sinew out of the country, is just the same as amputating a sound limb without any other remedy, or giving it a fair trial. A Scottish musical once said when seeing some of his clansmen leaving their native highlands—
Lochabere no more, Lochabere no more,
We'll maybe return to Lochabere no more.
Forcing the people away remind us of those barbarous and brutal times recorded in that epoch of Roman history, when the slaves were thrown into the amphitheatre to be devoured by wild beasts for the sport of the by—standers. But we want to fling back into the teeth of the English Government our determined repudiation of such a wrong and unparallel insult (cheers). We must show the British Government that those uncivilized ages are past and gone for ever, and in this enlightened 19th century, though we are slaves we are enlightened ones, and will not accept any more of the lash. Goldsmith well said—
Such is the patriots boast where'er he roam,
His first, best country ever is his home.
They want to send the people far away to snow capped Canada, to the Siberia of America, where the thermometer is for half the year below zero, (hear, hear). Do they imagine after seven centuries of misrule of this country that emigration is now the particles and effectual cure for all their cruel and stupid blunderings for the people of this country. If they do, they must know they will never be able to force us to swallow the gilded pill, and we tell them we shall never cease our struggles until this country or ours is blessed with more wholesome legislation (cheers). Until we shall have the banner of freedom floating over us. Until we shall have the right to make our own laws in our own Parliament in College Green (great cheering).
Mr. McGiverin, Hon. Sec. of the league, who was received with cheers, said it was his duty to read the correspondence which he had received from those who had been invited to attend (cheers, and cries of welcome and you are a true representative of Pat Madden). Mr. McGiverin said he was determined to merely read the correspondence, but the way he had been received had taken him by surprise. He was proud to be secretary at such a national meeting, a meeting which was composed of good patriotic Irishmen and it was indeed an honour to stand on the one platform with the illustrious Michael Davitt (great cheers). Yes, Mr. Davitt had honoured them by his presence at their meeting (cries he is welcome). Notwithstanding that the manacles of Dartmor were still felt by Mr. Davitt, his soul was still in the national cause, and he could not be intimidated by his jailers from fighting in the great battle of freedom in which they were engaged and that battle for their lost rights, they would continue to fight until they would be able to proclaim from every hill top that they had regenerated their country (cheers). He would read one letter which he had received from that illustrious Irishman, the Bishop of Clonfert, Dr Duggan (great cheers).
Mr. McGivern then read the following letter:—
Loughrea, November 10, 1899.
Dear Sir—In reply to your letter, I have merely to repeat that the programme of the National League has my approval. The reform of the institution of our social system indicated I consider necessary for the permanent tranquility and prosperity of the country.
Faithfully yours,
Patrick Duggan.
Three cheers were given for Dr. Duggan and Mr. McGiverin said—The next letter is from the leader, of the Irish people.
Mr. Davitt — Hear, hear.
Mr. Parnell's letter wished the meeting every success, but as he desired to address his own constituents before speaking at any other place, and as the date for meeting them had not yet been fixed, he felt it would be impossible for him to make many engagements before the opening of Parliament.
Mr. McGiverin said he received letters from several people, but he thought those he had read were sufficient (cheers).
Father Walsh came forward and said he would propose the resolution in globo.
Mr. Kilmartin — I feel great pleasure in seconding the resolutions proposed by Father Walsh, and as I may have an opportunity to speak on the Land Question further on, and as we have Major Nolan here, I wont keep you any longer.
The following are the resolutions which were adopted amidst great applause.
Whereas Mr. Gladstone having declared that a policy of equal justice is the one which shall be pursued towards Ireland and as the standard of equal justice in England is to be found in the doctrine of constitutional Government, which recognizes the voice of the majority as the will of the nation, be it therefore resolved that this meeting demands the application of this doctrine to Ireland, and that we, the people of Galway, pledge ourselves never to rest satisfied with anything short of complete National self—government such as the majority of the Irish people have resolved to struggle for and obtain.
That, as the land of Ireland was made for the sustenance of the people of Ireland, and not for the purpose of providing a class of idlers with the means of taxing the labour and sweat of those who till it, we demand the abolition of all laws which deny us our natural rights in the soil of our fatherland and the substitution of such a system of land tenure as will protect the property of the farmer and labourer, and secure to the nation at large the advantage of an unrestricted development of its full resources.
That this meeting declares its confidence in the ability and patriotism of Mr. Parnell and the Irish Parliamentary party to be undiminished, and calls upon every National constituency in Ireland to return no man as its member, at the coming General Election who will not sit as well as act with that party in the House of Commons, and we hereby ask for such a pledge from Colonel Nolan.
That the warmest thanks of the people of Connaught are due, and hereby tendered to the Freeman's Journal, and his Grace the Archbishop of Tuam, for exploding the Cromwellian scheme of expatriation which Earl Spencer and Mr. Trevelyan endeavored to put into practice in order to clear our province of a people who cannot be subdued by tyranny, and we call upon the Irish race in Canada and the United States to stand by us in our determination to keep a firm grip of Ireland.
That we demand universal adult suffrage for Ireland.
The chairman said he had pleasure in introducing Colonel Nolan to the meeting. He had stayed in the house with Mr. Parnell at their great debates and when a good national sensible fight was to be fought Colonel Nolan was sure to be in the thick of it (cheers). They all knew that it was Colonel Nolan got the Seed Supply Act for Ireland, which was the greatest blessing to the country and if he had done no other act for Ireland that one act of his life was sufficient to endear him to the people.
Mr. J. Sweeney — It robbed the poor farmers.
Colonel Nolan who was received with cheers said — He received a most flattering invitation from the secretary to attend the meeting.
A Voice — You are on your trial now.
Colonel Nolan said he was glad to address that large meeting, which he was proud to see embraced not merely a large number of voters but also non—voters.
A Voice — Put on your hat.
Colonel Nolan continued and said he was extremely thankful to the kindness of the voice to be allowed to wear his hat in that very inclement weather. As he said he came there to address the meeting at the request of the secretary and he had to still further throw himself on their indulgence. He did not write out many speeches, but on this occasion he took some notes of the speech he intended to deliver, but the resolutions just read were entirely different from the draft of resolutions submitted to him on the previous evening. His notes chiefly, if not entirely, intended to deal with the 5th resolution, but in the form they had been proposed he could not do so and accordingly he would have to cast his notes aside, and address himself to them as their representative. He was sorry he could not make the speech to the meeting that he wrote out last night, but he would say nothing to the change. He wished, therefore, to be allowed the privilege to waver a little outside the scope of the resolutions and to touch upon some of the questions which were treated in the House of Commons during the past year and which were likely to be considered at next session. The 5th resolution was the only one he had determined to speak on in any detail. They were all aware that a great many people has different views on the subject of adult suffrage, and his own opinion was that the number of people who had the franchise was too small in the interest of voters and non—voters (cheers). There might be 5,000 or half a million having the franchise, but whatever was the number at present it was too small for all concerned. He saw at that large assembly and he met them every day in his life, many intelligent men, who, because were lodgers in other peoples houses, had no vote. He met plenty of people who were householders who had no vote either (cries of shame). And yet these intelligent men paid the rates and county cuss, and contributed largely to the imperial taxation of the country, and why they did not possess the franchise was a question he could not understand. A large number of the house holders were not valued at £4 in the country and £12 in the towns, and yet they had to pay county cuss and poor rates. It might be said that the rich pay more money in this respect than the poor, but on the contrary at the present than the poor, but on the contrary at the present moment the poor pay a larger percentage of taxation from their income than the rich, in proportion to their income and it was then only fair to give them votes and let them have a voice in the control of the Government of the country (hear, hear). Now it was said in the last few days, and he had read in the columns of that cleverly written paper, the Saint James Gazette, hitherto the advocate of liberty, that nay one was a bad citizen and a traitor to the country who would advocate the extension of household suffrage to Ireland (groans). In that paper he had mentioned at the present moment was shown the extraordinary heat with which this question was publicly discussed in England, and he should say that most of the measures touching on Ireland were discussed with no less warmth. That paper had great influence in England, but even at the risk of being considered a bad citizen, he had always declared, and would do so now, that he was entirely in favour of household suffrage. He thought it a hard case that the poor man who contributed so largely to the support of the national constitution should be shut out from his share of making the laws of the constitution and of bringing his influence to bear thereon. He would say in the interest of voters as well as non—voters, that the law should be changed in this respect (hear, hear). Those who had followed the opposition Tory leader, Sir Stafford Nortcote in the North (groans, and cheers for Mr. Biggar) had sent he language he sued there. Of course, Sir Stafford Northcote was an able statesman, an amiable gentleman, and as they were opposed in politics, and on most questions (laughter) he wished to speak a few words against the language used by Sir Stafford Northcote in the North, who in one of his speeches pointed out with manifest injustice that because Connaught had but few voters, some of its representatives should be taken from it and given to the North. In Connaught the number of voters had diminished, while in the North they had increased and consequently their representative increased and consequently their representative capacity should be increased. Now it should be remembered that at the present moment they had only 900000 people in Connaught and if they omitted the small fraction on the other side of the Shannon at Athlone, they had only 9 representatives. This was a great injustice and the proper deduction from these facts was that the number of voters should be increased. He thought and hoped that change would very soon be made, and he could almost say at the present that it was within the range of practical politics (hear, hear), and a large number of the House of Commons were pledged to the very lips in favour of household sufferage. At the present moment they had every reason to believe that there had been some division in the Cabinet on the subject, and in Mr. Gladstone's speech as the Lord Mayors banquet it could be inferred that the subject was under discussion and there had been a difference. At this annual banquet where it had hitherto been Mr. Gladstone's practice to give a resume of the year's doings he did not as usual give this history, and actually laughed at the people of England as well as the people of Ireland. He thought this would be the great question of next session and in the interests of the county voters and non—voters it would be necessary to have household sufferage (cheers). He should admit that he was under a little difficulty there that day, because he believed until the resolutions were read, that one of them would be in favour of household suffrage, while the resolution which had been proposed, and which he had not heard until that moment, dealt with adult suffrage. He was not going to say anything against adult suffrage, but he would tell them what he had heard stated at a large meeting in London on the eve of a reform debate, when's popular English leader told the people
If you send your representatives to the house tomorrow to vote for the adult suffrage you are not strengthening the case for household suffrage, but you are putting a log round their necks.
He wished to dwell upon this subject, and he thought it would be better get household suffrage first, and he knew it was the policy of the Irish party at present to pass resolutions in favour of household suffrage. Still at the same time he was not prepared to propose an amendment to the resolution, but having been invited by his constituents, who passed the resolution, it was his duty as their representative to accept this proposition thoroughly in this respect. He had not heard the resolutions in their new shape until he heard the secretary read them, but he assured them that he would work as hard as man could work for house—bold suffrage, and on any other question he would simply reserve his opinions for the present. He might mention that there were many questions which required reform, and it would be the duty of the members to endeavour to get laws passed for such reformation. The most prominent question at the present moment before the people of this country was that of Country Boards. He had often said, and need scarcely repeat it there, his condemnation of the Grand Jury system, where 23 men voted away the County Cuss, paid just as they wished, and the people who paid it having no voice in the matter. He had no hesitation in saying that this was the worst system in the country, and no one could possibly wish that, such a system should be continued (hear, hear). It did not work well at the present moment, it was indefensible (cheers). The patronage exercised by the Grand Jury in giving away public works was notorious, and it had caused such condemnation through the country that a change must necessarily be the result (cheers). Now, if they had County Boards they would have a voice in the payment of their money, and many good results to the county would follow. They could initiate many undertakings, valuable public works, and form a constitutional centre of public opinion at which public matters could be discussed and debated upon, then at open air meetings like the present where unanimity of counsel was desirable. No one would be more anxious to have these county boards than he, but he was not one of those men who could accept county boards for Home Rule (cheers). If they could get an assemblage of men living in Dublin who would be selected from the people, intelligent men who had time at their disposal, and who would not act against the people, but carry on their work the same as the boards of guardians throughout the country, then they could expect to have fair play (cheers). No government of a country should prevent organizations for this purpose. As he had said, though the advantages to be derived from the county boards were manifold, he wished it to be distinctly understood that nothing less than Home Rule would satisfy them. He gave his opinion on this important question very often to the world. He had always raised his voice in favour of it, and be gave expression of opinion. In 1878, at a very large assemblage in that town, and since that time he had never reason to change his opinions. As far as he could go he would advocate it and it was the general wish of the majority of the Irish people (cheers). He thought that expression of opinion embodied the views of meet men, but since that declaration was made many people had gone beyond it, whilst many others fell short of it. He would be glad that this question so important to the country would be finally settled as soon as possible, and he always told the House of Commons the people would not be quiet as long as Home Rule was denied them, (cheers). There were some other minor questions on which he would like to say a few words and the first was that of education which had been very much neglected by the present parliament. The Irish national teachers were very badly treated and last session when he brought in a bill for the benefiting of their condition for the compulsory purchase of sites for residence, it was blocked by Mr. Wharton, who held the unenviable position of trying to block everything brought into the House having reference to Ireland, and he was sorry to say Mr. Wharton was able to block a great many Irish bills in this way. With regard to the university education of the country they had Protestant Institutions with large endowments for the Protestant community, and scarcely any for the Catholic people. Of course there was the Queen's University where Catholics had now a chance of being educated. He would be very sorry to take anything away from the Protestants, and give it to the Catholics, but he really thought the Catholics were entitled to a fair share, and as at present constituted, they had only a very insignificant share. This was a thoroughly national question which affected the humblest Irishman.
A voice — What about the land question?
Colonel Nolan, — Well on the land question I would say that the greatest hopes in the future for our country are to be found within the lines of a peasant proprietary.
Dr. Maloney — There is nothing about that in the resolutions.
Colonel Nolan — I am entirely in the hands of the chair, and I will ask the leave of the chairman to say a few words on this subject.
The chairman having given the required permission, Colonel Nolan continued and said, he hoped that the principle of establishing a peasant proprietary would be adopted, but in regard to this question there were two great difficulties, one the question of price, of how many years' purchase should be given for the land — a question which should settle itself. The second question was the purchase money, and he thought that the Government had a right to give either the whole or the greater portion of this. He had long advocated this scheme and he would continue to so advocate and though it might take years to obtain it they had hoped to (cheers). He moved a resolution in the House of Commons had four—fifths of the money be granted by the Government, but it was over—ruled. This was a struggle for the future, and he would be always found at his post whenever the subject came forward. He should be pardoned if he took some pride out of having got a resolution passed obtaining a recommendation that the port of Galway be made a great port out of the imperial resources, and though, it was only a recommendation he sincerely hoped it would not be over—looked, and that it would be carried into effect. He thanked them for the reception they had given him which was at times very enthusiastic.
A voice — What about the pledge?
Colonel Nolan — I will do whatever I can for Home Rule, and continue to give Mr. Parnell very considerable support. I again thank you for the hearing you have given me (cheers).
The chairman here introduced the illustrious and distinguished Mr. Michael Davitt, and the crowd kept cheering and shouting welcome for some time. The band commenced to play "O'Donnell Abo", and when the applause had subsided, Mr. Davitt said — Rev Chairman, and men of Galway, the meeting which I have the honour of addressing to—day resembles in every feature the large gatherings from which sprung the Land Agitation, and which moulded the career of the Land League (cheers). We are assembled to—day as we were three years ago, beneath the shadow of God's Church (hear, hear). We have upon this platform one of his ministers who gives you counsels of peace and Christian love and like an Irish Soggarth Aroon, also teaches lessons of courage and patriotism (hear, hear). We have as in the days of the Land League the rain (laughter) which we may call one of the resources of nature, necessary to fertilize the soil (cheers for Davitt, and we have here also the handsome forms, but the ugly uniforms of the Irish Constabulary (hear, hear and laughter), which we may call one of the resources of civilization, whose special mission in Ireland seems to be putting down public meetings and intimidating the people (hear, hear). Now, under these congenial circumstances I would feel very much inclined today to travel over the history of the movement for the past three or four years, and point out what has been gained where we have made mistakes and what remains to be done in order that the purpose of the Land League be accomplished but owing to the down—pour of rain I fear I would be paying you back a very poor compliment for the honor you have conferred upon me (no, no). Who consents to remain in such large numbers, and under such depressing circumstances. Even dealing with the resolutions which have been read and unanimously received by you, I feel it necessary to make a few observations upon the speech delivered by Colonel Nolan as an Irish landlord to be an honourable man, considering the class to which he belongs (laughter). Some credit must be given to him for the courageous manner in which he has stood by Mr. Parnell in the House of Commons, and for some of the sentiments to which he has given expression here today. He has told you he is in favour of household suffrage, but that he has not made up his mind as to whether the Irish people are entitled to a larger measure of universal adult suffrage (hear, hear). Colonel Nolan in the House of Commons sits on the Government side (faith he does), while I stand on the platform of the people, and while I and you are willing to accept household suffrage as an installment of justice, I hold that our right is in a broader and more comprehensive measure of universal suffrage (cheers, and a voice—more power, my poor fellow). I am glad to find by your approving cheers that these are your sentiments also. All the people of Ireland, all of its manhood and its patriotic young men are not in the position of house—holders, and household suffrage will not give them the constitutional rights which every man in Ireland is entitled to. As far as I am concerned it mattes not to me what is the programme of Gladstone's administration. If they are willing to give household suffrage they will not hold it back because the people demand universal suffrage (hear, hear). We always got from the English Government in proportion to our demands, and in the courage we insisted upon them, and not in proportion to the good intentions or ideas of injustice of the English Liberal Government, Colonel Nolan declared that he was in favour of Home Rule — give him credit for that declaration. But there is one portion of that resolution read which Mr. Nolan has not answered. He has declared to this meeting his continued confidence in the patriotism and ability of Mr. Parnell in the House of Parliament. Mr. Nolan has not given the pledge required in the resolution that he will sit with Mr. Parnell in the House of Commons (hear, hear). The men who will be sent in to uphold the national standard, and the resolution which deals with this question, defines that no man will be returned who will not declare their intentions of not only sitting with Mr. Parnell and the National Party, but he must pledge himself that he will sit with them (hear, hear). This resolution which has been passed asks this pledge from Colonel Nolan here today, and we all know that he is an honourable man, and he will not pledge himself to sit with Mr. Parnell unless he honestly intends to cross the floor of the House of Commons. But, when he stands before such an audience like this composed of the manhood of the County Galway, as their representative you have a right to tell Colonel Nolan that he must cross the floor of the British Parliament and sit on the one side of his leader and chief Charles Stewart Parnell (great cheering and waving of hats). Sitting today within the precincts of that sacred edifice. I listened to words of wisdom and Christian doctrine from the lips of one of the most venerated and patriotic of Ireland's prelates, the Most Rev Dr Duggan (cheers for Dr Duggan) I heard him lay down the Christian doctrine that to relieve the poor is a work most acceptable to God. Can we not say in the shadow of the Church of God that we are trying to do this work of relieving the poor. What is it we are endeavoring to do? To relieve by the great agitation which we are engaged in poverty and the other kladred evils which lead to human misery, and to relieve our country from those laws which, in the past have begot outrage and crime (loud cheers). One of the resolutions today deal with the Cromwellian scheme of expatriation, which had for its founders the Lord Lieutenant and Mr. Trevelyan (groans). They want to relieve Ireland of its people, and they will not scruple at any measures of injustice in order to carry out their policy. The English Government in Ireland are trying to adopt the same means which Cromwell adopted to carry out centuries (groans for Cromwell). The means may be different, but the object is the same. You know what his dictum was in Ireland, that the Keltic race should go either to Connaught or another place. (A Voice — Where himself went). Well, the Irish race accepted Connaught, and gave hell to Cromwell. What we have got to do to face that similar policy is to keep Ireland for the Irish, and give the other place to landlordism (cheers and laughter). In vindication of the right we cannot now stand with our back to the Atlantic, and sword or pike in hand contest our right to live in the land that God Almighty assigned to our people, but our resolve to hold by the coil of our fatherland is not less fixed, nor our chances of success the less, because we are fighting for the same righteous cause with the weapons at our disposal.
By patient thought and earnest labour
The world's great battle must be fought;
Stronger than musket, pike, or sabre
Is the spirit's power—the power of thought.
(cheers)
What have these weapons done during the last three years? The gospel of manhood has been proclaimed in Ireland, the dignity of hitman nature has been upheld and the bastard rights of landlordism have been attacked, and the natural and national rights of the people to the use of the soil of Ireland have been proclaimed and vindicated before the whole civilized world (great cheers). Now, what is in our power to accomplish with those weapons? To strike down at once and forever that system of agrarian laws which has been the origin and fountain head of every scourge which has afflicted our people, every blood—stain which has crimsoned the emerald venture of our country, and to create in its head a structure upon which a contented and prosperous people and a peaceful and progressive Ireland can stand (loud cheer). Now, how is this to be accomplished? Not by halting at half—way measures, not by glorying ourselves for the little we have accomplished, but by steady, determined, sustained efforts until the moral and just and social cause we have been advocating was triumphed (hear, hear). The landlords may think that owing to the present apparent fall in the movement, that the fight is over and that the Land Act will save their system from abolition. As well may they think that standing upon our western shores and seeing the receding tide from the land that it will never again cross the silvery strand, which surrounds Ireland. By and by we will have seeping across the face of these three countries such a wave of agitation as will effect the very land marks of land monopoly, and leave no other trace of Irish landlordism but the page of history which records that it existed in Ireland. But why do I predict this so confidently and say that our movement will soon triumph over the forces of landlordism and Castle rule. Because across the Irish Sea we see the English democracy are beginning to make gigantic strides continually demanding the same social rights the people of Ireland have thundered forth from a thousand platforms within the last three or four years. They are discussing the subject and have been discovering that they have wrongs to address and rights to demand as well as the people of Ireland (cheers). They are discovering, that there is a class in Ireland called landlords, who care nothing about the welfare of the people—a class that has not the courage to fight its own fight with the people—a class without ability, and without the honesty to return to the people the hoards of plunder which they have taken from them (loud and prolonged cheers)—a class that is dangerous to the interests of the country. But the people of England are beginning to understand the selfishness of Irish landlordism and they are beginning to find out that there are bad landlords in England and Scotland also, and when the 30 millions of people composed of farmers, labourers, mechanics and artisans, who live by honest tell in the three countries, discover that there is one lazy, good for nothing aristocrats called landlords, who neither weave nor spin, but who live in idle luxury upon the sweat of every body else—when the discovery is fully made in England and Scotland, the Irish landlords will have to look to themselves for these resources, and find the power which will defend them in their unjust position in Ireland because the democracy of Great Britain will no longer uphold the unjust and plundering system against the justice and interests of the Irish democracy (cheers). Why then should we halt in the struggle to overturn by honorable constitutional means this system which has worked such evils to our fatherland? Every incentive that spurs on a people in a glorious cause impels us to go forward and not to be satisfied with miserable, tinkering Land Acts which conferred no benefit scarcely worth mentioning upon any class but that of the lawyers (cheers). Another reason why we should continue with undiminished energy and courage in this movement is that I and you, and the whole Irish race, are sick and tired of these agitations and insurrections (very sick) — one in every generation (that is true). We have had them over and over again since English rule came into Ireland, and brought the evils of landlordism in its train. Now, at last the whole Irish race through the world have thrown down the gauge of battle to landlordism and if they retire from the field, or shrink off in any way until they are victorious, they are a race of cowards and dastards (never, never). There is still another incentive to make us persevere when we consider that within a few miles of where we are now standing six landlords own 150,000 acres of Irish land. But what is the result? That land in this county of Galway which could sustain a thousand happy families, and be the home of a thousand happy homesteads, is now a howling wilderness, (cries of shame).. But oh, where have the people gone who have been driven from this country by this tyrannical landlord system. Some have beyond the Atlantic, by their energy and intelligence, and from fair play, established homes and positions for themselves in America. But how many of Ireland's religious daughters have been ruined in consequence of this infamous system of emigration? I have traveled through every city in the United States, from New York to San Francisco, and what have I discovered? I am mostly ashamed to say that the majority of fallen creatures in these cities are girls who were driven from Ireland away from the moral and religious influences of Irish homes and away from the teachings of their mothers, of the care of their fathers and thrown upon the dangers of American cities to be lost to Ireland, to morality and to religion (oh and shame). Are we to patiently look upon a perpetuation of this nefarious scheme in the interests of fifteen or twenty thousand of the deadliest of enemies of Ireland's patriotism, Ireland's social rights and of the Irish people that could be found on the face of the earth? (load and prolonged cheers). Instead therefore, of spending the people out of the country, let this useless class of people let this 20, 000 Irish landlords be sent to the mountain tops of Canada, but as Colonel Nolan has supported such a large number of measures in the House, I am sure you will make an exception in his favour, and keep him in Ireland (laughter). At the same time it must be remembered that these six individual landlords in Galway take £150,000 a year from the earnings of those who toil in this part of Ireland. So long as that continues, so long as privileged idleness can tax your labour and take away from you the resources of Ireland. So long as that continues, so long as privileged idleness can tax your labour and take away from you the resources of Ireland, so long will poverty hang over us, so long will crime be prevalent in the land (cheers). If we want to change these things it is by the moral sense of truth and justice which has right upon its side and we will go on fighting this moral and social national battle with the same spirit and determination which distinguished our forefathers when they put their backs to Athlone and drove the Cromwellian invaders across the Shannon (cheers). It is not by public speeches or resolutions, not even by demonstrations that this can be done, but by constitutional organization, and by having in every town and village, and barony, a branch of the Irish National League (cheers) and by writing upon your banners the sentence used by Mr. Gladstone the other night that Ireland should be ruled upon the principle of equal justice. Equal justice means the right to make our own laws in Dublin. Equal justice means not only England but Ireland. Equal justice means the end of the Anglo Irish struggle and we will never cease our labours until this is accomplished (loud cheers) and our aspirations fulfilled. Let then the farmer and labourers, the shopkeepers and citizens, press on the good work, and there will then be little fear until equal justice will be extended to Ireland (cheers).
Rev. P.J. Walsh, CC, came forward amidst vociferous cheering. The Rev gentleman said:— Once again, my friends, you are assembled in your thousands to give expression to your grievances and demand redress for your wrongs, (hear, hear). On many occasions the British Parliament declared that no reform was required in this country, because there was no agitation. They took if for granted that the Irish people were satisfied because they complained not of their grievances. But though such may be said of the Irish people, on many occasions during the history of the past, though it may with some truth be stated that the down trodden people of this country neglected or feared to make known the wrongs which they endured at the present time they have spoken out truthfully and boldly and in no uncertain accents declared before the world the many and varied wrongs they have endured (cheers). What has been the result? Already a partial success has been the outcome of this legitimate agitation. The British Parliament has acknowledged the justice and reasonableness of the claims of the Irish people, by passing some measures in favour of them (cheers). The Land Act, with its many imperfections, the Education Act, the Labourer's Act, were all the result of that healthy agitation which the people carried on, and which would never have been entertained by an alien Parliament unless wrung from them by the vigorous and persistent, agitation of the Irish people (hear, hear). But such insignificant measures of redress are entirely inadequate to the just demands of a people, ground down by oppression and wrong. There yet remains a monstrous evil to be remedied. Here yet remains the burning question of the land to be settled, for every one knows that Land Act of 1881, has not finally settled the question. The golden clause of the act — The Healy Clause — has been studiously passed over in the administration of this act in the land courts and that clause which if carried out honestly would have given a stunning blow to landlordism in this country, has either been misinterpreted or passed over altogether (cheers). But the people of this country cannot be mocked in such a way. Landlordism in this country is yet too formidable a system to be permitted to remain. Back rents get legal approbation in the land courts, and thus the last state of the unfortunate tenant is as bad as his first, as he must continue to pay an exorbitant rent for a cycle of 15 years. Against such an evil what remedy can be found? The permanent and only remedy is the total abolition of a system which has outlived its time, if ever there was a time in which its existence could be justified. To enumerate the many and varied miseries which Landlordism has produced in this country would occupy a long time. So it may be traced, rather than to the mis—government of this country, the cause of all the social and agrarian evils which have unfortunately been the lot of our people. Yet that nefarious system has been maintained and backed up by a government which boasts of its freedom and the unparalleled excellence of its constitution. We look abroad and see not in the fair lands of the Rhine or in gallant France, a system of land tenure which produces frequent famine, (hear, hear). We know that in France and Germany the tiller of the soil is lord of his little patrimony, and so by legitimate agitation we wish to induce our rulers to grant to the Irish tenant farmers that system of land tenure which has made loyal and happy and frugal and contented, the Frenchman and the German. Peasant proprietary then is the only permanent remedy for all the evils begotten of landlordism (cheers). Because ever after a judicial rent has been fixed in the land court, many unforeseen event may occur which may render the payment of that rent an impossibility for the tenant. Bad seasons, loss of stock, impaired health, and many other calamities may take place which may totally prevent and take away all chance of paying. Then what shall take place? Unfortunately the power of eviction is not taken out of the bands of the landlords. There are many cases of recent occurrence where the unhappy consequences of landlord oppression have been again paraded before the public, but the day is gone for ever in this country, when the landlord can perpetrate acts of oppression without letting in upon such sets the full flood of the light of public opinion and public census. The British Government, indeed hoping against hope, have endeavored by various measure of late to prop up the tottering fabric of landlordism. They have by means of the Land Act, the Labourers' Act, the Tramway Act, and the Coercion Act, tried to maintain a little longer in existence a system which has within itself the elements of self destruction. If the State demands not the abolition of such a system — a system from which no benefit accrues to the nation—if the State interfere not, the day is not far distant when the landlords will call upon the State to buy them out and they shall offer very moderate terms into the bargain. Then, indeed, an era of peace and prosperity will open for old Ireland. Then, and not till then, can she stand erect and say, now
I have been free from the galling fetters of landlordism (cheers).
Now at length the people of Ireland can say the dark days of landlord oppression are gone for ever. No more shall we be startled by the sound of the crowbar or the bailiff at the door. No more shall the heartrending scenes of evictions be witnessed. No more shall the evicted family be consigned to the cold walls of the workhouse or the neglected grave of the pauper (cheers). It would indeed be a bright day for this unfortunate country when this system of landlordism should cease to exist. It would be a happy day when the vast trusts of land now trodden under foot by sheep and cattle should become the residence for the children of Erin, here bright and happy homes should be where now nothing is seen but vast plains of grass (cheers). All this could be easily accomplished by the government if they only chose to do so. They could purchase out the landlords and constitute the tenant farmers peasant proprietors without any detriment to the nation. On the contrary such a measure would be hailed by the nation as a most welcome concession and one long due to a people long oppressed and enslaved. And not only in the country but also in England and Scotland are the evils of landlordism felt. The English masses are beginning to realize the justice of the complaints of the Irish tenant farmers and the conviction is coming home to their minds that the monopoly of the land in this country has been the great gigantic evil of the Irish people. The people of England have been instructed on this point of late. That illustrious son of Erin, Mr. Davitt, has instructed them on this matter even in the centre of the English metropolis, and the incontrovertible fact which he has so plainly laid before his vast audience have startled the English landlord, and aroused the sympathies of the English masses in favour of the Irish cause. I think the English Conservative champions shall find ample scope for their eloquence in Great Britain without coming over here to Ireland to stir up sectarian hate and rekindle the smoldering embers of bigotry. This carrying of the contest into the enemy's country by the Irish leaders has been a wise and judicious move on their part, If the English masses could be moved to take action in unison with the Irish people against the common enemy, against landlordism, then indeed, you would soon see the Government take action on their part, and by speedy legislation a final settlement of this land question would be accomplished (cheers). Another important point to be borne in mind throughout this whole agitation is the fact that the exiled sons of Erin, those millions true and brave beyond the ocean, are anxiously watching this land movement, and whatever doubt may exist about the sympathies of the English masses, not a particle of doubt remains about the sincerity of those sons of Erin beyond the seas in their sympathy with the Irish cause (cheers). They have given practical proof of their sympathy on many occasions. When want and famine stared the Irish tenant farmer in the face, when the last penny of the back rent was enacted by the heartless landlord, when nothing remained for the poor tenant but eviction, misery and death, the Irish in America generously came to his aid, and by munificent subscriptions staved off the impending fate. It will therefore, be a day of gladness and rejoicing amongst the Irish in foreign lands, when they learn that the day of landlord tyranny is past for ever, for although many of the Irish in America and Australia have never seen an Irish landlord, nevertheless their sympathies are not the less on that account, for they have learned from their fathers lips the story of Ireland's wrong, and how her sons and daughters were persecuted. We trust, then, that the day may soon arrive when landlordism shall be a thing of the past, when the tiller of the soil shall enjoy in peace and contentment the fruits of his industry. In the meantime pending the abolition of landlordism, we should avail ourselves of the small installments of justice given in the Land Act, the Labourers' Act and the Tramway Act. A constant and constitutional agitation in favour of our legitimate demands must be maintained. The wishes of the nation must at length be acceded to. The Government cannot always continue heedless to the just demands of the nation, but must at last give way, and by one sweeping enactment remove forever from the soil of Ireland that opus tree of landlordism, the fruitful source of all the evils of the Irish people (cheers).
Mr. Davitt said he wished to keep them a moment. He was sure if they separated from that meeting without doing what he was going to ask them to perform, they would not be doing their duty. He need not remind them that he referred to the reverend president of the league, and chairman of the meeting, (cheers for Father Fahy, who was distinguished for his ability, his patriotism, and his energy in the cause. They had heard his splendid speech which opened the proceedings, and they should have noted the ability with which he had discharged his duties as chairman, (hear, hear). He would therefore constitute himself chairman, and propose a resolution—That this meeting gives to Father Fahy their heartfelt thanks for the able manner in which he presided here today, (loud cheers).
Mr. Callanan said he was happy to be in the proud position of seconding the proposition which had been proposed by Mr. Davitt. They could not have a more honest, sincere, or patriotic priest on God's earth, than their president. He had proved himself worthy to be trusted by his sincerity to the National Cause, and it was therefore they as his followers respected him, and had the same veneration for him as they had even for Michael Davitt, (hear, hear, and cheers). He would now ask is it the desire of this meeting that Colonel Nolan would be allowed an opportunity to answer this question, that is, as he had not given the pledge asked from him by the resolution, would he sit with Mr. Parnell in the House of Commons (cheers and cries of we do).
Mr. Davitt said the question asked in the resolution was as plain as possible and Colonel Nolan knew its import. He came there presumably as a supporter of Mr. Parnell, but it would not do for the Irish standard to have an Irish representative in the National Cause sitting at one side. If Colonel Nolan thought he could sit with the English Coercionists he would ask that vast meeting of electors and non—electors of Ballinasloe did they want Colonel Nolan to pledge himself to site with Mr. Parnell (cries of — We do, we do.).
At this stage there was some excitement on the platform, several gentlemen hissed, and several said—throw Colonel Nolan off the platform.
Dr. Maloney — We want no physical force men here.
Colonel Nolan said he had again to repeat what he had stated at the beginning of the meeting. It was his belief he had never seen the resolutions until he had heard them read today, and they were substantially different from those he read the day previous. He never heard that such a pledge was asked from any one before, and he never heard of a resolution to be drafted to that effect. He was however thoroughly prepared to speak on the subject and thoroughly understood it when it was put before the meeting. He should refer to one word made use of by Mr. Davitt, which led him to think that that gentleman did not understand. Mr. Davitt referred to the resolution which declared confidence in the ability of Mr. Parnell —
Mr. John Kelly — What about the pledge?
Dr. Maloney — Let him say what he has got to say.
Colonel Nolan continued, and said the pledge was totally new to him. He never heard it asked before. He did not wish to be misrepresented. Every pledge he made in his address he firmly acted up to. He had done what he had promised and would continue to act according to these promises at the General Election. He understood the importance of the town of Ballinasloe and he saw the majority of the people at that meeting were in favour of the pledge, but he should tell them he always lost very much below the gangway—
A Voice — Give the pledge and be done with it.
Colonel Nolan said so far as that meeting was concerned they were clearly in favour of this pledge, which was sought to be enforced upon him in that important town. He knew it was an important town, but at the present moment he would adhere to his plan, and make no new pledges whatsoever, but would consider the matter before next Session of Parliament.
A Voice — Put him off the platform (groans).
The chairman said he believed Colonel Nolan was sincere in anything he undertook, and he had worked well with the Irish party. He would, however, get another opportunity in the matter. There was one thins clear Colonel Nolan always attended Parliament, and always supported Mr. Parnell.
Mr. Davitt who was again received with applause said they had heard Colonel Nolan's answer to the resolution. He would say again what he had said at the beginning of the meeting, not because Col. Nolan was present, because he had said it publicly and privately on many occasions, that he believed him to be an honest man, and that if he gave the pledge there that day he would sit with Mr. Parnell. He also believed that he would honestly keep any pledge he gave. He had, however, asked time to consider the question, but he would tell him there that unless he stood on the same side of the house with his leader he would have little chance of representing the county at the next general election. He did not care how other people sat, or where they took up their position in the House of Commons, but he could not understand why Colonel Nolan representing the National cause could not prefer sitting with the intrepid band of patriots by their illustrious chieftain to the coercionists above or below the gangway (cheers). Who that took the stand in the British Parliament which they (the national party) took in Ireland of speaking up in opposition to any measure of justice that the Government would give to this country (hear, hear, and cheers). He would say if Mr. Nolan really wanted to follow Mr. Parnell he should take counsel with him (hear, hear). Let him sit where Healy sat, let him sit where Sexton sat, let him sit, where TD Sullivan sat, and let him sit where hones Richard Lawler sat (loud cheers), and with the others who formed the gallant band; but in the name of common sense, in the name of patriotism, in the name of Ireland, let him not sit where Buckshot Porter and Mitchell Henry sat (groans and hisses which lasted for some time) and where O'Connor Power, the double—dyed traitor sat.
Dr. Maloney — What did he do but renounce his principles like other people.
Mr. Davitt continued — He wanted to impress upon them he never said anything against Colonel Nolan on that platform, that he had not said 100 times before privately or publicly. He believed he was an honest man, and had worked considerably in the cause, but the next time he stood upon a Galway platform he would have to give an answer to the question, and have to give the pledge which he now refused. As he said he considered him a follower of Parnell, but that this pledge which he said was new to him would not be so at the next general election, because Irishmen would then demand their representative to come forward in the National Cause and pledge themselves to sit in the House of Commons with their devoted chieftain and leader (great cheers).
At this stage the rain was coming in torrents, and the meeting, which amounted to about 3000, departed.